ARE ALL MEN CREATED EQUAL?
Written by Vladimir Moss
ARE ALL MEN CREATED EQUAL?
Equality
and Human Rights
The idea that all men are created equal,
first proclaimed as part of a national ideology by the American Declaration of
Independence in 1776, is probably the most influential socio-moral-political
idea of the modern world. It is also the most fundamental and axiomatic; for
the Declaration of Independence, after declaring the “self-evident truth all
men are created equal”, goes on immediately,
in the same sentence, to assert “that they are endowed by their Creator with
certain inalienable Rights…” In other words, the whole Human Rights philosophy
(or religion) of the so-called “international community”, is based on “the
egalitarian dogma”; most of the actions of modern politicians are justified on
the basis of “human rights”, which in turn are justified on the basis of
egalitarianism. Even after witnessing
the vast upheavals and huge rivers of blood that have been poured out to force
equality on the nations of the world since 1 776, the world still loves the
dogma, still worships it, is still prepared to die for it. Even most
Christians, who should know better, regard it as an article of their faith
which they believe in with greater sincerity and passion than any other
article, including the Holy Trinity or the Divinity of Christ.
When it was first proclaimed, the
egalitarian dogma was greeted with a healthy dose of scepticism. The British Gentleman’s Magazine for September, 1776
ridiculed it: “‘We hold, they say, these truths to be self-evident: That all
men are created equal. In what are they created equal? Is it in size, strength,
understanding, figure, civil or moral accomplishments, or situation of life?”
The answer to these questions is self-evident:
in all these spheres, men are profoundly and persistently unequal…
This is true especially in the moral and
spiritual spheres, which alone could provide a basis for certain “human
rights”. For, as C.S. Lewis writes, “equality is a purely social conception. It
applies to man as a political and economic animal. It has no place in the world
of the mind. Beauty is not democratic; she reveals herself more to the few than
to the many, more to the persistent and disciplined seekers than to the
careless. Virtue is not democratic; she is achieved by those who pursue her
more hotly than most men. Truth is not democratic; she demands special talents
and special industry in those to whom she gives her favours. Political
democracy is doomed if it tries to extend its demand for equality into these
higher spheres. Ethical, intellectual, or aesthetic democracy is death…”[1]
Until the arrival of the philosophy of
human rights, most men accepted this position. It was self-evident to them that
men were unequal in both the higher and the lower spheres. Moreover, they
accepted that these inequalities justified different treatments or rewards,
that the talented should be rewarded differently from the untalented, the
industrious from the lazy, the good from the evil. The “scandal” was not so
much in the obvious and inescapable fact of inequality in every sphere of life,
as in the fact that life so often does not seem to distribute rewards in
accordance with natural inequality: “the race is not to the swift, nor the
battle to the strong, nor bread to the wise, nor riches to the learned, nor
favour to the skilful” (Ecclesiastes 9.11). So life is unjust, not so
much because it contains inequalities, as because the natural order of
inequality is not rewarded as it should be…
But then there was the consolation that
all injustice would be put right in the age to come by “the God of justice” (Malachi
2.17). However, justice in that age would not be done by removing all
inequalities among men, but by rewarding them unequally but justly in
accordance with their unequal
deserts. For, as the Apostle Paul says, “there is one glory of the sun, another
glory of the moon, and another glory of the stars; for one star differs from
another in glory” (I Corinthians 15.41).
In the meantime, if we wish to shine with
any kind of true glory in the age to come, we have to accept the natural order
or inequality or hierarchy of being, what Shakespeare in Troilus and Cressida called “degree”:
Take
but degree away, untune that string,
And
hark what discord follows! Each thing melts
In
mere oppugnancy: the bounded waters
Should
lift their bosoms higher than the shores,
And
make a sop of all this solid globe;
Strength
should be lord of imbecility,
And
the rude son should strike his father dead;
Force
should be right; or, rather, right and wrong –
Between
whose endless jar justice resides –
Should
lose their names, and so should justice too.
But the humanrightists of the eighteenth
century no longer believed in the age to come or in any kind of “degree” except
the inequality between enlightened people like themselves and the unenlightened
traditionalists. They wanted their justice (and their apocalypse) now. They thought that they could take the place of the Creator
and Judge, change nature by education and “benign intervention”, and thereby
remove the need for any justice in the usual sense. For after all, they
reasoned, people can’t help being what they are. It’s all just a question of
heredity and environment – and we can fix the latter, at any rate, while the
former will undoubtedly come within our power in the future… As for the
traditionalists, with their scare-stories about a “natural order” or hierarchy
of Being, their real motivation was simply to perpetuate inequality and keep
their place in the sun…
Actually, there was a grain of truth in
this last comment. In all ages, privileged individuals, classes and nations
have sought to justify and perpetuate their privileges on the basis of their
supposed innate superiority to those less privileged. Even the founders of the
American Constitution, such as Thomas Jefferson and George Washington, did not
go so far as to think that “self-evident equality” extended to the Indians or
their black slaves … So there was hypocrisy on both sides in the egalitarian
versus anti-egalitarian debate… But the hypocrisy of a philosopher does not in
itself invalidate his philosophy. There have been many unchristian Christians,
but that fact does not invalidate the truth of Christianity– although it makes
it less persuasive for those who base the truth of an opinion on the worthiness
of the man who expresses it…
So let us abandon ad hominem
arguments and examine the case for the egalitarian dogma as objectively as
possible.
Equality
in Adam and Christ
God said in the beginning: “Let us create
man in our image and after our likeness” (Genesis 1.26). This verse
certainly constitutes a basis for the thesis that mankind is a single species,
all men having essentially the same nature. Human nature is quite distinct from
that of any animal species in that it is sealed with the image of God – a
concept that receives many interpretations in the patristic writings, but which
is generally agreed to refer to freewill and rationality, and hence the ability
to make moral choices.
Our common origin in Adam is the reason,
according to the Prophet Malachi, why we should see each other as brothers and
treat each other with love: “Have we not all one father? Hath not one God
created us? Why then doth every one of us despise his brother, violating the
covenant of our fathers?” (Malachi 2.10).
A still stronger reason than brotherhood
in Adam for treating each other equally is brotherhood through the Church in
the New Adam, Christ. This was beautifully expressed in the seventh century by
St. John the Almsgiver, Patriarch of Alexandria: “If by chance the blessed man heard of anybody being harsh and
cruel to his slaves and given to striking them, he would first send for him and
then admonish him very gently, saying: ‘Son, it is come to my sinful ears that
by the prompting of our enemy you behave somewhat too harshly towards your
household slaves. Now, I beseech you, do not give place to anger, for God has
not given them to us to strike, but to be our servants, and perhaps not even for
that, but rather for them to be supported by us from the riches God has
bestowed on us. What price, tell me, must a man pay to purchase one who has
been honoured by creation in the likeness and similitude of God? Or do you, the
slave’s master, possess anything more in your own body than he does? Say, a
hand, or foot, or hearing, or a soul? Is he not in all things like unto you?
Listen to what the great light, Paul, says: ‘For as many of you as were
baptized into Christ did put on Christ. There can be neither Jew nor Greek,
there can be neither bond nor free, for ye are all one man in Christ Jesus’. If
then we are equal before Christ, let us become equal in our relations with
another; for Christ took upon himself the form of a servant thereby teaching us
not to treat our fellow-servants with disdain. For there is one Master of all
Who dwells in heaven and yet regards the things of low degree; it does not say
‘the rich things’ but ‘things of low degree’. We give so much gold in order to
make a slave for ourselves of a man honoured and together with us bought by the
blood of our God and Master. For him is the heaven, for him the earth, for him
the stars, for him the sun, for him the sea and all that is in it; at times the
angels serve him. For him Christ washed the feet of slaves, for him He was
crucified and for him endured all His other sufferings. Yet you dishonour him
who is honoured of God and you beat him mercilessly as if he were not of the
same nature as yourself.”[2]
If brotherhood in Adam or in Christ was what
the American revolutionaries – and their followers in the French and other
revolutions – meant by being “created equal”, then we would have no quarrel
with them. But of course they meant much more than that. They meant that all
the evident inequalities in human nature that appeared after the fall – “in
size, strength, understanding, figure, civil or moral accomplishments, or
situation of life”, as the Gentleman’s
Magazine put it – are irrelevant, and in a sense unreal.
We can agree with this up to a point. We
should not love a man more or less, or treat him more or less as a brother,
because he is more or less tall, or fat, or strong, or wise, or beautiful, or
powerful, or rich. Differences in “moral accomplishments” are a different
matter, to which we shall return later. But differences caused by genes or
environment are morally neutral or irrelevant in the sense that our attitude to
their bearers as people should not be influenced by them. Nevertheless, they are
real differences, and, as we shall argue later, they cannot and should not be
ignored as if they did not exist, still less subjected to processes of social
or (as is becoming increasingly possible) genetic engineering in order to bring
the human mass back to a supposed condition of “original equality” before the “original
sin” of inequality.
Equality and the Fall
The mention of “original sin” takes us
back to the creation story and the real cause of the inequalities between men…
In the beginning there existed a man and a
woman who were as similar to each other as any man and woman – or perhaps any
two human beings - in history. After all, Eve derived her whole nature from
Adam, without any other “parent”, and their environments were virtually
identical. Of course, there was this difference: that he was a man, and she was
a woman. But the difference was so small that the words for the two sexes are
almost the same in Hebrew (“isha” as opposed to “ish”), a similarity that,
among modern languages, is mirrored only in English (“woman” as opposed to
“man”). Moreover, it is not recorded in what that difference consisted in the
pre-lapsarian state. We cannot assume that then, as now, after the fall, it
consisted in the difference between “XX” and “XY” chromosomes. All we know is
that she was created to be “a helper like him” (Genesis 2.18), not the
other way round – that is, she was meant to be a follower rather than a leader.
But it was precisely this very small
difference – a difference in role rather than nature – which Satan exploited to
widen the gap and lead to a difference also in nature. First, the difference in
role between the man and the woman was reflected in the difference in the sin
that they committed. For “Adam was not seduced; but the woman being seduced,
was in the transgression” (I Timothy 2.14). So in spite of their
commonality of nature, which made them equal from a natural point of view, Eve
was deceived, but Adam was not. Adam sinned also, of course, but in a different
way. He was not deceived by the serpent, but he did follow his wife – and
followed that up by blaming God for giving her to him. So he who was created to
lead his wife, disobeyed by following her; while she who was created to follow
her husband, disobeyed by leading him.
Shortly after that, God gave the couple
“garments of skins” (Genesis 3.21), which, according to the
interpretation of the Holy Fathers, signify the opaque, coarse nature of our
present, postlapsarian bodies, together with the fallen passions that are associated
with such bodies: gluttony, lust and anger. Their bodies were now more
different from each other than they had been in Paradise because of the new
demands placed on them in order to survive both as individuals and as a
species. In particular, the man’s body was modified in order to carry out hard
agricultural work and in order to beget children, while the woman’s body was
modified in order to give birth to and raise children. Moreover, the difference
in their roles was sharpened. The woman, instead of being simply a “helper” to
the man, was placed in definite subjection to him: “thou shalt be under thy
husband’s power, and he shall have dominion over thee” (Genesis 3.16).
Since the original sin of Adam, together
with its consequences in death and corruption, extended to all subsequent
generations, the differences and inequalities between men have multiplied –
that is, political, social and economic inequalities. But the most fundamental
inequality was revealed already in the first generation after Adam, in his sons Cain and Abel. This was the moral inequality between those men who love
God and those who love only themselves. Now this inequality is not a difference
in nature; men are not made good and evil, saints and sinners,
in the sense that they cannot help belonging to this or that category (that is
the error of the Calvinists). True, evil is mixed with our nature from our
conception – “I was conceived in iniquities, and in sins did my mother bear me”
(Psalm 50.5). But all men still retain in themselves that image of God –
freewill and rationality – that enables them to choose good over evil. The
image has been darkened, and our freewill has been weakened (“the spirit is
willing, but the flesh is weak” (Matthew 26.41)). But by exercising the
good in our nature that still remains from our original creation, we can, with
the help of God, overcome the sin in our nature that flows from the original
sin of Adam and Eve. So the first, most fundamental inequality between men is
the moral or spiritual inequality that is expressed in the different ways in
which they freely direct the nature they have received from their parents –
towards God or towards the devil.
From this first, moral inequality flow all the others; for none of these would exist
if sin had not entered the world and the whole world did not lie in sin. These
less fundamental inequalities can be divided into those that are based, on the
one hand, on the entrance of death into men’s genetic inheritance, causing the
degeneration of the gene-pool and the appearance of destructive mutations that
are passed down the generations, so that some are born as geniuses and with
various talents and abilities while others are born with crushing physical and
mental disabilities; and on the other hand, on inequalities in environment and
social station, so that some people are born in crushing poverty or slavery,
while others are born with all the advantages of wealth and education. The very
struggle to survive in a fallen world creates man-made inequalities, the
hierarchical structures of families, tribes and states that institutionalize
inequality. For without some such distinctions and inequalities society as a
whole could not defend itself against invaders from without or criminals from
within. Again, the need to survive and reproduce and prosper, both individually
and collectively, explains why strength and beauty and intelligence are rewarded,
while the lack of these attributes is penalized.
So we are not equal by nature, and the nature of the fallen world is such
that there is no way in which these inequalities can be ironed out, even
supposing that that were desirable in all cases. But this has not stopped all
modern societies from trying to do just that – that is, re-engineer human
nature and society to its prelapsarian condition of perfect harmony by the
elimination of all inequalities of every kind. Not that modern societies
believe in Paradise or the Fall. On the contrary, the socialist experiment (for
that is what this striving for unnatural equality is) rejects all such
“religious myths”; for it sees the subjection of man to God as the first and
worst of all inequalities, that generates all subsequent inequalities, such as
the divine right of kings to rule over their subjects. Thus the most
thorough-going and famous socialist experiment, that of the Soviet Union, began
its attempt to wipe out the natural inequalities of human nature and society by
killing the Tsar and all belief in God – and ended up creating the most
hideously unequal society in world history…
Equality
and Divine Providence
However, what has been said so far will be
unlikely to convince die-hard egalitarians, and especially those with a
Christian background who believe in the “Social Gospel” – that is, that it is God’s
command that we help the poor by ironing out differences in wealth, power and
privilege through democratization, redistribution and social engineering. Such
people will not be deterred by the example of the Soviet Union, a “mistake”
that could have been avoided, in their opinion, if the Soviets had followed the
path of German welfare socialism rather than Marxist revolutionary socialism.
They fail to draw the deeper lessons from the collapse of communism in 1989-91,
which is why there has been so little comment on, or study of, that epochal event
in the last twenty years.[3]
For them, socialist egalitarianism is simply the application of the command to
love one’s neighbour. And the fact that it has so often failed proves only that
it is difficult, not that it is not mandated; just as the command “Be ye
perfect” is difficult, but still mandated…
Let us put the argument for Socialist
Christianity in a different way: “Since the radical inequalities that exist
between men are consequences of the fall, is it not right that we should seek
to reverse these consequences as far as we can?” This argument rests on the
assumption that the consequences of the fall, in the form of social, political
and economic inequalities, are evil in
themselves. But this assumption is false. In fact they are like bad-tasting
medicine administered to us by the Providence of God for the sake of our moral
health. For “all things work together for those who love God” (Romans
8.28); and so if we love God, all the
crushing inequalities that follow from the fall – poverty, illness, slavery – can,
if borne with patience and gratitude, contribute to our ultimate goal, which is
the acquisition of the Holy Spirit. It is this goal, rather than the abolition
of inequality, that constitutes the true reversal of the fall. For the evils of
this present fallen world are inflicted on us in order to humble us, to subdue
our passions, and thereby to make us fit vessels for the reception of God’s
Grace, the same Grace that Adam and Eve lost when they refused the light burden
of obedience God placed upon them.
“So are you saying,” objects the
Socialist, “that it is good that the rich should continue to oppress the
poor?!” Of course not! Economic inequality is a challenge for the rich as for
the poor. If the rich man stops worrying about his own well-being and opens his
heart to help the poor, then he comes closer to God; and if the poor man bears
his poverty with patience, and prays for his rich benefactors, then he, too,
comes closer to God. Thus inequality can help both men towards the Kingdom.
When Mary poured the oil of spikenard over
the head of Christ, Judas complained that the oil could have been sold for a
lot of money and the money given to the poor. But “this he said, not that he
cared for the poor, but because he was a thief, and had the money box, and he
used to take what was put in it. But Jesus said, ‘Let her alone; she has kept this
for the day of My burial. For the poor you have with you always, but Me you do
not have always” (John 12.6-8).
This story illustrates several things.
First, it shows that the motive in alms-giving is all important. The call to
help the poor may proceed, not from compassion towards the poor, but from greed
and envy towards the rich. In the case of all socialist revolutions, this greed
and envy predominate to such an extent that the revolutionaries seek to
destroy, not only economic inequality, but every kind of superiority of one man
over another. For, as C.S. Lewis writes, “the demand for equality has two
sources; one of them is among the noblest, the other is the basest, of human
emotions… There is in all men a tendency (only corrigible by good training from
without and persistent moral effort from within) to resent the existence of
what is stronger, subtler or better than themselves. In uncorrected and brutal
men this hardens into an implacable hatred for every kind of excellence…”[4]
However, even if greed or envy is not to
be suspected in a particular naïve socialist, the abolition of inequality as such and in toto should not be the aim either of almsgiving or of
government legislation (still less, anti-governmental revolution). For, as the
Lord says, “the poor you have with you always”. That is, inequality has been
implanted permanently in the society
of fallen men by God for our salvation, so that we should learn obedience,
patience and compassion and drive out self-will, anger and hardness of heart.
If all men were equal in all things, they could not learn these moral lessons,
and God’s purpose would be thwarted. So almsgiving, like every other good work,
should be done, not in order to restructure society, but in order, as St.
Seraphim said, to acquire the Holy Spirit.
For,
as Bishop Nikolai Velimirovich wrote, “it is God’s desire that men be unequal in externals: riches, power,
status, learning, position and so forth. But he does not recommend any sort of
competitiveness in this. God desires that men compete in the multiplying of the
inner virtues.”[5]
Equality
and Slavery
Let us look a little more closely at one
kind of social inequality whose supposed abolition the liberals and socialists
point to as an undoubted achievement and triumph of Christian morality – the
abolition of slavery.
Now Christianity has never endorsed
slavery, and has always considered the emancipation of a slave by his master as
a laudable act of charity. But on the other hand it has always called on slaves
to obey their masters, and has not endorsed violent wars to destroy the
institution. As Archbishop Averky of Jordanville writes: “The epistle [of the
holy Apostle Paul] to Philemon vividly witnesses to the fact that the Church of
Christ, in liberating man from sin, does not at the same time produce a
forcible rupture in the established inter-relationships of people, and does not
encroach on the civil and state order, waiting patiently for an improvement in
the social order, under the influence of Christian ideas. Not only from this
epistle, but also from others…, it is evident that the Church, while unable, of
course, to sympathize with slavery, at the same time did not abolish it, and
even told slaves to obey their masters. Therefore here the conversion of
Onesimus to Christianity, which made him free from sin and a son of the Kingdom
of God, did not, however, liberate him, as a slave, from the authority of his
master. Onesimus had to return to [his master] Philemon, in spite of the fact
that the Apostle loved him as a son, and needed his services, since he was in
prison in Rome. The Apostle’s respect for civil rights tells also in the fact
that he could order Philemon to forgive Onesimus [for fleeing from him], but,
recognizing Philemon’s right as master, begs him to forgive his guilty and
penitent slave. The words of the Apostle: ‘Without your agreement I want to do
nothing’ clearly indicate that Christianity really leads mankind to personal
perfection and the improvement of the social legal order on the basis of
fraternity, equality and freedom, but not by way of violent actions and
revolutions, but by the way of peaceful persuasion and moral influence.”[6]
“That is all very well,” say
the socialist. “But this applies to individuals, not states. States must surely
be occupied with abolishing inequality through social reform and
redistribution. It is a scandal that there should be poor people in our modern
societies when the State can easily abolish poverty through legislation.”
Which is why begging became a crime in the
world’s “first socialist state”, and “almsgiving”, miloserdie,
disappeared from the vocabulary of Soviet society…
No: rulers can, unlike private citizens,
occupy themselves with a certain degree of social restructuring and
redistribution. Nevertheless, even the most radical such measures in Orthodox
lands never went so far as to seek to abolish classes or the very existence of
poverty. For example, in 1861 Tsar Alexander II abolished serfdom in Russia,
freeing 22 million serfs from their noble landowner masters in the greatest
single act of social reform in world history. And yet poverty and inequality were
not thereby abolished; nor was that the aim. The peasants remained peasants,
and the nobles remained nobles, even if their relationship in law had changed.
Moreover, because people are people, and
there are losers as well as winners in every social reform, the results even of
this great act were by no means unambiguous. Emancipation changed the relationship both
between the state and the landowners, and between the landowners and the
peasants. As the nobles began to lose their feeling of duty and obedience to
the state, the peasants, correspondingly, began to see their obedience to the
nobles as a burden that was not justified, as in the past, by the defence of
the land. As such, the formal structure probably had to change in view of the
change in its spiritual content. But the change in formal structure from
patriarchal to civil meant that the sanctifying bonds of obedience broke down
still faster than they would have done otherwise. To that extent, the reform,
though rational from a politico-economic point of view, was harmful from a
moral one.
As Schema-Monk Boris of Optina said: “The
old order was better, even though I would really catch it from the nobleman…
Now it’s gotten bad, because there’s no authority; anyone can live however he
wants.”[7]
Indeed, so self-willed had emancipation made the peasants that the sons and
grandsons of those liberated by the Tsar set about murdering him and his
successors and enslaving the whole population in their new communist paradise –
all in the name of freedom and equality!
Archpriest Lev Lebedev writes: “Later
critics of the reform also justly point out that it suffered from an excessive
‘slant’ in one direction, being inspired most of all by the idea of the
immediate emancipation of the serfs from the landowners, but without
paying due attention to the question how and with what to substitute the
guiding, restraining and, finally, educating function of ‘the lords’ (the landowners)
for the peasants. Indeed, delivered as it were in one moment to themselves, to
their own self-administration (after 100 years of the habit of being
guided by the lord), could the Russian peasants immediately undertake their
self-administration wisely and truly, to their own good and that of the
Fatherland? That is the question nobody wanted to think about at the beginning,
being sometimes ruled by the illusion of the ‘innateness’ of the
people’s wisdom!…
“They began to think about this, as often
happens with us, ‘in hindsight’, after they had encountered disturbances and
ferment among the peasantry. All the indicated mistakes in the reform of 1861
led to the peasantry as a whole being dissatisfied in various respects.
Rumours spread among them that ‘the lords’ had again deceived them, that the
Tsar had given them not that kind of freedom, that the real ‘will of the
Tsar’ had been hidden from them, while a false one had been imposed upon them.
This was immediately used by the ‘enlighteners’ and revolutionaries of all
kinds. The peasants gradually began to listen not to the state official and the
former lord, but to the student, who promised ‘real’ freedom and
abundant land, attracting the peasant with the idea of ‘the axe’, by which they
themselves would win all this from the deceiver-lords…
“But in spite of inadequacies and major
mistakes, the reform of 1861, of course, exploded and transfigured the life of
Great Russia. A huge mass of the population (about 22 million people) found
themselves a free and self-governing estate (class), juridically equal
to the other estates. This immediately elicited the need to build its life and
activity on new foundations…”[8]
But it is the extreme difficulty of
rebuilding life on new foundations that constitutes the danger of such huge
transformations. We see this only two years later, in Abraham Lincoln’s
Emancipation of the American slaves. He imposed it by war, costing 600,000
lives. And the result? Poverty for the newly emancipated, and bitterness between
whites and blacks, North and South, that lasted for generations…
J.M.
Roberts compares the two acts of emancipation as follows: “In retrospect [the
emancipation of the Russian serfs] seems a massive achievement. A few years
later the United States would emancipate its Negro slaves. There were far fewer
of them than there were Russian peasants and they lived in a country of much
greater economic opportunity, yet the effect of throwing them on the labour
market, exposed to the pure theory of laissez-faire economic liberalism,
was to exacerbate a problem with whose ultimate consequences the United State
is still grappling. In Russia the largest measure of social engineering in
recorded history down to this time was carried out without comparable
dislocation and it opened the way to modernization for what was potentially one
of the strongest powers on earth…”[9]
It is ironic and instructive that the most
successful social transformations have been carried out, not by secular
socialists fighting for equality, but by traditionalist Christians who
profoundly believed in the natural order and hierarchy of being. Thus
Tsar Nicholas II as an individual was one of the most charitable rulers in
history. Even as a child he would give his shoes to the poor, and throughout
his life he was secretly giving alms to the people, not to mention the huge
benefits, spiritual and material, that he gave to the nation as a whole,
including the reform of Church-State relations, an agrarian policy that released
millions of peasants from poverty and a system of labour legislation that was
hailed by American President Robert Taft as the most enlightened of its time.
The result was that Russia became not only the fastest-developing nation in the
world, but on the way to becoming one of the most just.
But even he did not attempt to destroy the
class system in Russia or radically overturn the foundations of society. For he
understood that inequality is built into human society by God Himself, and that
the ruler’s task is not to revolutionize society, but to mitigate, as far as he
was able, those unfortunate consequences introduced into its God-established
hierarchies by the evil of men. And too late the Russian democrats who
overthrew the tsar came to understand that, in the words of C.S. Lewis, “the
old authority in kings, priests, husbands, or fathers, and the old obedience in
subjects, laymen, wives, and sons, was [not] in itself a degrading or evil
thing at all.”[10]
Equality and Monarchism
Besides, even in fallen men there is a secret
desire to look up and admire, even if the object is not admirable: “where men
are forbidden to honour a king they honour millionaires, athletes, or
film-stars instead: even famous prostitutes or gangsters.”[11]
Since inequality is so deeply ingrained in human nature and society at every
level, simply destroying an institution or even a state that embodies it solves
nothing. Deep in their hearts, men know that they are not equal; and if their hearts are not filled with greed and envy,
they delight in the honour given to their superiors; which is why monarchy
survives and prospers even in such a liberal and socialist society as
contemporary England.
Thus at the heart of the English democracy,
Westminster Abbey, there still lies, like a rose among thorns, the body of the
most holy of the Orthodox kings of England, Edward the Confessor. It is as if
the English people, even while leading the way into the new, anti-Orthodox and
democratic age, subconsciously feel that they have lost something vitally
important, and cling to the holy corpse with despairing tenacity, refusing to
believe that the soul has finally departed. Even such a convinced democrat as
C.S. Lewis could write of the monarchy as “the channel through which all the vital
elements of citizenship - loyalty, the consecration of secular life, the
hierarchical principle, splendour, ceremony, continuity - still trickle down to
irrigate the dustbowl of modern economic Statecraft".[12]
And even today, hysteria can seize a whole nation on the death of a princess,
for little other reason than that she was a princess…
Roger Scruton has spoken of the English
monarchy as “the light above politics, which shines down on the human bustle
from a calmer and more exalted sphere. Not being elected by popular vote, the
monarch cannot be understood as representing the views only of the present
generation. He or she is born into the position, and also passes it on to a
legally defined successor. The monarch is in a real sense the voice of history,
and the very accidental [sic] way in which the office is acquired
emphasises the grounds of the monarch’s legitimacy, in the history of a place
and a culture. This is not to say that kings and queens cannot be mad,
irrational, self-interested or unwise. It is to say, rather, that they owe
their authority and their influence precisely to the fact that they speak for
something other than the present desires of present voters, something vital to
the continuity and community which the act of voting assumes. Hence, if they
are heard at all, they are head as limiting the democratic process, in just the
way that it must be limited if it is to issue in reasonable legislation. It was
in such a way that the English conceived their Queen, in the sunset days of
Queen Victoria. The sovereign was an ordinary person, transfigured by a
peculiar enchantment which represented not political power but the mysterious
authority of an ancient ‘law of the land’.”[13]
Monarchy represents the summit of
inequality among men. As such, it is an image of the infinitely greater
distance separating all men from God, the King of kings. So veneration of the
monarch facilitates the worship of God, and vice-versa; which is why its
destruction inevitably leads to that falling away from God that we see in all
the nations that have killed their kings….
Conclusion
It was Satan who first whispered the
egalitarian dogma – or rather, heresy- into the words of our first parents,
saying: “You shall be as gods”. His motivation was envy – “Long ago the crafty serpent envied my honour”, “Of old the
enemy who hates mankind envied me the life of happiness that I had in Paradise”.[14]
By offering the bait of equality with God, he wanted to separate man from God
and bring him into equality with himself – an accursed equality on the bottom
rung of the Hierarchy of Being, filled with unutterable pain, bitterness and
shame.
Such is, and always will be, the
motivation of those who dangle the unattainable mirage of equality with God before
suffering mankind. Their goal is in the literal sense of the word satanic,
being the goal of Satan himself when he was cast from heaven: “How are thou
fallen from heaven, O Lucifer, son of the morning! How art thou cut to the
ground, who didst weaken the nations! For thou hast said in thine heart, I will
ascent into heaven, I will exalt my throne above the stars of God; I will sit
also upon the mount of the congregation, in the sides of the north; I will
ascend above the heights of the clouds; I
will be like the Most High. Yet thou
shalt be brought down to hell, to the sides of the pit…” (Isaiah
15.12-15).
And yet the paradox is that God does want us to be “as gods”, “partakers
of the Divine nature” (II Peter 1.4). “God became man”, as St.
Athanasius said, “that men should become gods”. His will is that when He comes
again at His First Coming “we shall be like Him” (I John 3.2), having
transformed the fallen, muddied image of God in us into a true and radiant
likeness, wholly suffused by Grace.
However, the key to this exaltation of
human nature is that we follow the example He gave at His First Coming, when, “being
in the form of God, He did not consider it robbery to be equal to God, but emptied
Himself, and took upon Himself the form of a slave, and was made in the
likeness of men” (Philippians 2.6-7). In other words, God the Son,
although fully equal to God the Father by nature, renounced, as it were, this
lofty equality, and made Himself equal instead to the infinitely lower nature
of man. And, moreover, “being found in fashion as a man, He humbled Himself,
and became obedient unto death, even the death of the Cross…” (v. 8)
So equality of a Divine, paradoxical kind is
attainable, and exaltation to unimaginable heights is possible – but only
through voluntary self-humiliation to the depths of the created hierarchy, and
the patient acceptance of all the inequalities – physical, psychological, social,
political, economic, and above all moral and spiritual – that exist in the
real, fallen world.
March
6/19, 2012.
[1] Lewis, “Democratic Education”, in Compelling Reason, London: Fount, 1987,
p. 41.
[2] Life of St. John the Almsgiver, 33; in Elizabeth Dawes & Norman H.
Baynes, Three Byzantine Saints, London: Mowbrays, 1977, pp. 243-244.
[3] Janet Daley, “The Lessons of 1989
have still not been learnt”, The Sunday
Telegraph (London), February 5, 2012, p. 24.
[4] Lewis, op. cit., p. 40.
[5] Velimirovich, Homilies, book 2. Italics mine (V.M.).
[6]
Archbishop Averky (Taushev), Rukovodstvo k izucheniu Sviaschennago Pisania
Novago Zaveta (Guide to the Study of the Holy Scriptures of the New Testament),
Jordanville, N.Y.: Holy Trinity Monastery, vol. II, pp. 354-355 . Italics mine (V. M.).
[7]
Victor Afanasyev, Elder Barsanuphius of Optina, Platina, Ca.: St. Herman
of Alaska Press, 2000, pp. 216, 217. The old family retainer in Chekhov’s The
Cherry Orchard also believed that the rot set in with “Freedom”.
[8]
Lebedev, Velikorossia (Great Russia),
St. Petersburg, 1999, pp. 342-343.
[9]
Roberts, History of the World, London: Helicon, 1992, p. 612.
[10] Lewis, “Equality”, op. cit.,
p. 28.
[11] Lewis, “Equality”, op. cit.,
p. 31.
[12]
Lewis,
"Myth became Fact", God in the Dock: Essays on Theology, Fount
Paperbacks, 1979, p. 64.
[13] Scruton,
England: An Elegy, London: Chatto & Windus, 2000, p. 188.
[14] Triodion,
Sunday of Forgiveness, Mattins, Canon, Canticle 3, troparion, Canticle 5,
troparion,.